Parallel Descriptions of the Antichrist's Evil Work

Not all the information in one scene is found in the others, but much of it is. The duplication helps establish our interpretation.

Story of the horn
Chapter 8
Story of the king
Chapter 8
The king again
Chapter 11
The sea beast
Rev. 13
9a Horn arose from [western] wind; exceedingly great 23 King [arises] in latter phase of fallen Greece; when transgression full 21a Vile person rises. 1,2a Beast like those of Dan. 7 arises from sea (nations where dragon had been.) Papal Rome rises from the area of pagan Rome which has shown its dragon-like character
10a Grew up to host of heaven 25b He lifts himself up 21b Takes kingdom by intrigue 2b Beast gets power from dragon Assumes divine power over the people. Not strictly political
- 25 By peace (at ease) destroy many 21c Comes peaceably - It promises salvation through church ritual providing false assurance. See 1co1012.
10b Horn casts down some of host and of stars; tramples them 24 He destroys the mighty [nations] and the holy people - 5 Authority to act 42 mo. Some faithful ones persecuted; some kingdoms destroyed
11a Exalted himself to prince of host 25d He rises against prince of princes 22b Prince of covenant challenged by horn power 6 Blasphemy against God Assumes position of Christ
11b The continuation ["daily"] exalted 25a Deceit made to prosper by cunning in his hand 21d Obtain the kingdom by intrigue 4 Dragon worshipped because he supports beast  Pagan practices christianized
11c Place [foundation] of his [daily's] sanctuary (miqdash) cast down
Miqdash generally refers to pagan sanctuaries.
- 31 Forces pollute sanctuary (miqdash) & remove the continuation - The pagan nations became “Christian” by force. Their pagan worship was officially replaced by the same rituals and symbols renamed by the church. See Dan. 12:11.
12a Host (army) given over with the continuation in transgression 24 power, but not by his own power 22a Arms of flood subjects people 5,7 Beast given authority to act - to make war Papacy acts indirectly, influencing nations to enforce the continuation.
12c He cast truth to the ground; he acted and prospered 24c He shall destroy fearfully and prosper and thrive - Truth [and freedom] were assumed subject to human decision. Persecution
- 25d Broken without human power. 45 Come to his end with no one to help. 10 One who kills by sword is so killed. God himself ends the false religious powers re1920.
From an article on the Crusades
In the Encyclopedia Britianica, 1911, pp. 524-526

   The Crusades may be regarded partly as the decumanus fluctus in the surge of religious revival, which had begun in western Europe during the 10th and had mounted high during the 11th century*. . . . Considered as holy wars the Crusades must be interpreted by the ideas of an age which was dominated by the spirit of otherworldliness, and accordingly ruled by the clerical power which represented the other world. They are a novum salutis genus – a new path to Heaven, to tread which counted "for full and complete satisfaction" pro onni poenitentia and gave "forgiveness of sins." . . .; they are, again, the "foreign policy" of the papacy, directing its faithful subjects to the great war of Christianity against the infidel. As such a novum salutis genus, the Crusades connect themselves with the history of the penitentiary system; as the foreign policy of the church they belong to that clerical purification and direction of feudal society and its instincts, which appears in the institution of "God's Truce" and in chivalry itself. The penitentiary system, according to which the priest enforced a code of moral law in the confessional by the sanction of penance –penance which must be performed as a condition of admission to the sacrament of the Eucharist – had been formerly times a great instrument in the civilization of the raw Germanic races. Penance might consist in fasting; it might consist in flagellation [whipping]; it might consist in pilgrimage. The penitentiary pilgrimage, which seems to have been practised as early as A.D. 700, was twice blessed; not only was it an act of atonement in  itself, like fasting and flagellation; it also gained for the pilgrim the merit of having stood on holy ground. [Pilgrimages became increasingly frequent.] . . .
   When the First Crusade finally came [1099], what was it but a penitentiary pilgrimage under arms – with the one additional object of conquering the goal of pilgrimage? That the Pilgrims' Progress should thus have turned into a Holy War is a fact readily explicable, when we turn to consider the attempts made by the Church, during the 11th century to purify, or at any rate to direct, the feudal instinct for private war . . . . [I]t was an easier thing to consecrate the fighting instinct than to curb it; and the institution of chivalry represents such a clerical consecration, for ideal ends and noble purposes, of the martial impulses which the Church had hitherto endeavoured to check. . . . As chivalry directed the layman to defend what was right, so the preaching of the Crusades directed him to attack what was wrong – the possession by "infidels" of the Sepulcure of Christ. . . . . The knight who joined the Crusades might thus still indulge the bellicose [combative/fighting] side of his genius – under the aegis [sponsorship] and at the bidding of the Church; and in so doing he would also attain what the spiritual side ardently sought – a perfect salvation and remission of sins. He might butcher all day, till he waded ankle-deep in blood, and then at nightfall kneel, sobbing for very joy, at the altar of the Sepulchre – for was he not red from the winepress of the Lord? One can readily understand the popularity of the Crusades, when one reflects that they permitted men to get to the other world by fighting hard on earth. . . . Nor was the Church merely able, through the Crusades, to direct the martial instincts of a feudal society; it was also able to pursue the object of its own immediate policy, and to attempt the universal diffusion of Christianity, even at the edge of the sword, over the whole of the known world.
   Thus was renewed, on a greater scale, that ancient feud of East and West. . . . From this point of view, the Crusades appear as . . . a reaction which carried the West into the East, and founded a Latin and Christian kingdom on the shores of Asia. They protected Europe from the new revival of Mahommedanism under the Turks; they gave it a time of rest in which the Western civilization of the middle ages developed. . . .
   In 1074 Gregory actually assembled a considerable army; but his disagreement with Robert Guiscard, followed by the outbreak of the war of the investitures, hindered the realization of his plans, and the only result was a precedent and a suggestion for the events of 1095. . . .
   The primary force, which thus transmuted an appeal for reinforcements [to protect Constantinople] into a holy war for the conquest of Palestine, was the Church. . . . But it would be a mistake to regard the Crusades . . . as a pure creation of the Church, or as merely due to the policy of a theocracy directing men to the holy war.  . . . It would be almost truer, though only half the truth, to say that the clergy gave the name of Cursade [from the word "cross"] to sanctify interests and ambitions which, while set on other ends than those of the Church, hapened to conside in their choice of means. There was, for instance, the ambition of the adventurer prince, the younger son, eager to carve a principality in the far East, of whom Bohemud is the type; there was the interest of Italian towns, anxious to acquire the products of the East more directly and cheaply, by erecting their own emporia in the eastern Mediterranean.
   * Note: The 10th and 11th centuries saw the peak of the power of the Roman Catholic church which arose to significance in the 6th century and reached its low point in the 18th.

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